The tragedy of Mrauk-U (1660-1661)
Friday, 22 February 2008
M. Siddiq Khan
1. Prologue
The
last two years and the ultimate fate of Shah Shuja (1639-1660), second
son of the Emperor Shah Jahan, have been shrouded in mystery. The
confusion about his movements, particularly after his flight from the
erstwhile provincial capital city of Jahangirnagar in the subah of
Bengal is due, initially not so much to the paucity of information as to
the abundance of information, not always authenticated but often conflicting.
No thorough attempt has so far been made except that by the Late Mr.
G.E. Harvey, the- historian of Burma, to analyses the information,
available and suggest a probable solution to the mystery. 1
There have been other pronouncements by writers, more often
litterateurs rather than historians, which are circumscribed by the
dearth of evidence on which their opinions are based or by national or
racial bias. This paper is an attempt to present material, as far as
available to the present writer, culled over the years and his findings
based on a detached analysis of these.
The
main protagonists in the very human episode were a Mughal Prince of the
House of Timur who had but lately played a spectacular, if in
fructuous, part in the triangular contest for the throne of the Emperor
Shah Jahan (1628-1658), who was still living and Sanda Thudhamma, the
Buddhist King of Arakan, acclaimed by the Bengali Cavalryman-Poet Syed
Alaol who was attached to a Muslim official in the Arakanese Court of
Mrauk-U (Myohaung), as in duty bound, as a unique ruler who destroyed
the wicked and sustained the poor as also by San Shwe Bu, Arakanese archaeologist and historian, as "one of the most enlightened Kings of the Mrauk-U dynasty.” 2
Much interests (and criticism) have been focussed on the actions of
each, the criticism being slanted, in some cases, according to the race
and affiliations of the writer. On the other band, some European
writers, naturally in this case, not concerned with the "pride of
nationality which sometimes overpowers truth,” have in the midst of
partisan accusations and counter-accusations hastened
to pin the label of barbarism on oriental rulers as a class! Thus San
Shwe Bu tries to vindicate the reputation of King Sanda Thudhamma, and
rebut the accusations of Spearman and Phayre, earlier
British historians of Burma, against the Arakanese monarch, and
incidentally refers to, "the belief which most European writers shared
concerning Eastern potentates who were always looked upon as
despotic,cruel and barbarous." On the other hand, Harvey,
in response to the Arakanese historian’s onslaught on his compatriot
Phayre, pontificates"... whether it was King Sanda Thudhamma-raza, as
Spearman or Phayre says, or Shah .Shuja, as Maung San Shwe Bu says, who behaved badly, in either case, it was an eastern King who behaved badly,” 3
After the overwhelming discomfiture of Prince Shuja's Bengal army on the battlefield of Khajwa (5th
Jan.1659), his fate was sealed. There was no hope of retrieving his
position, and the only immediate course left for him was to withdraw
eastward until he arrived in Bengal, the subah which be had governed and
ruled, with a break, for seventeen long years. Even in that subah, the fleeing
prince, faced with recalcitrant nobles and zemindars, including Diwgn
Munawwar Khan, zamindsr of Dacca, who had but lately benefited from
Shuja’s generosity, kept on retreating until ultimately on the 12th
day of April, 1560 (11th Sha'ban, 1070 A.H.), the harried prince with
his family and a body of faithful soldiers and retainers reached Dacca
where be hoped for temporary asylum and some time to mend his shattered
fortunes.
In anticipation of his having to seek for assistance from and refuge with Sanda Thudhamma, King of Arakan, in the last extremity, be had already had his son Zain al-din send emissaries with presents to Sanda Thudhamma at his capital city of Mrauk-U.4 This had been deemed an expedient measure in view of Shujah's rapidly deteriorating political position. According to 'Alamgirnamah' 5 in response to an even earlier overture for aid, such assistance had been offered by the Arakanese monarch, but on the present occasion, response seemed to have been tardy.
The Daghregister Gehouden in te Casteel Batavia or
the Daily Register kept in the Castle of Batavia, being the official
records of the Dutch East India Company, contains a great mass of papers,
containing information upon Dutch relations with Arakan commencing from
the days of King Thirithudbamma (1622-38).The volumes for 1660 and the
following years carry information about Shah Shuja in Arakan, but
unfortunately the volume for 1662 is missing. The Daghregister,
being a contemporary factual account, is quite accurate and detached
about matters in which the Dutch themselves are not parties.
The Daghregisler
for 1661 contains three letters from the Dutch factor stationed at
Mro-haung (Mrauk-U), Gerrit van Voorburg, during the first year of
Shuja's stay in Arakan which record the continuing misfortunes of the
unfortunate Mughal prince. Voorburg states in one "that Shah Shuja
was brought from Bengal to Dianga, a fort on the river bank opposite to
Chittagong, on the King of Arakan's armada.He arrived there 3 June
1660. From thence he had arrived at the capital 26 August." 6
Says Munshi Muhammad Kszim in ‘Alamgirnamah’:
Shujs defeated, depressed, disturbed and dejected reached Jahangiraagar with great difficulty on the 11th
day of Sha'ban. In the meantime Zain al-din, Shuja’ s son, who had
remained at Jahangirnagar sent at the instance of Shuja emissaries to
the Court of Arakaa with presents and requests for help to suppress
Munawwar Khan, Zamindar of Jahangirnagar, who united with other
zamtndars had defied Shuja's authority. The Raja sent an army of
monstrous and wild people with whose help Munawwar Khan was crushed.
Zain al-din gave the members of Arakanese army money and other presents
and sent them back with a message to the Raja to the effect that in the
event of his father ever needing to go to Arakan, he should, send some
men to escort him to that place. The Raja gave instructions to the
Governor of Chittagong to send some men if any such eventuality arose.
(Later, after Shuja's defeat near Tanda on the 5th April 1660), he reached Jahangirnagar and ... realized that on the face of Khan Azam's vigorous chase with his grand army he
was left with no alternative other than to fly away towards Arakan. He
sent someone with a request to the Raja of Arakan to send some of his
men who could escort him there in safety. He waited for a month but no
news came during this time while Muazzam Khan was nearing Jahsngirnagar
... ... (On the day after leaving Dacca, and after having
left Sripur he) "met with a band of Armed Arakanese who were coming to
him on the (previously mentioned) request of his son Zain al-din......."7
Francois
Bernier, French physician, who was in the service of Prince Dara, one
of the rival princes of Shuja, spent ten long years of his life in
Hindustan and left behind a narrative of these years. About this
incident of Shah Shuja’s life he writes:
The Prince being destitute of ships to put to sea, and not knowing whither to fly for refuge, sent his eldest son, 8 Sultan Banque,
to the King of Racon or Mog, or Gentile or idolater, to ascertain if he
would grant him temporary asylum and a passage to Moka when the
favourable, season arrived; it being his wish to proceed thence to
Meca, and afterward take up his residence in Turkey or Persia. The King's answer was in the affirmative, and expressed in the kindest terms. Sultan Banque
returned to Dake (Dacca) with a large number of galeasses ( as they
call the half galleys of this King) manned by Franks, for so I would
designate these fugitive Portuguese, and other wandering Christians, who
had entered into the King's service, and whose chief occupation was to
ravage this part of Lower Bengale.9
Niccolao
Manucci, a Venetian gunner, in service also with Prince Dara was in
India between the years 1656-1712 and in his work, be also makes
reference to this appeal for refuge in Arakan as follows:
With the reinforcements sent by Aurangzeb and the assistance given by the petty rajahs and the governors, Mir Jumla attacked Shah Shuja with such violence that he was reduced to the last stage
of desperation ... He therefore resolved to send his son. Sultan Bang,
to the King of Aracao (Arakan), a heathen otherwise known as Mogo
(Magh), beseeching him most earnestly to afford aid in his distress; if
be did not agree to that, would he, at the least, consent to receive him
and his men within his territory until the season came for a voyage to
Persia or to Mouca (? Makkah, Meccah). When fortune should again be kind
to him, be would hereafter recompense him for his favour. The King of
Arakan received the prince Sultan Bang with much courtesy and kindness,
and after a few days sent him back to his father with a number of boats
called jalias,10 which are small galleys commanded by "Portuguese subjects of the said King of Arakan, inhabitants of Chatigao 11 (Chittagong) on the frontier of that .kingdom...12
Thomas
Bowrey, free-lance ship's captain, who had frequented the Far Eastern
seas between 1669 and 1679 and heard, obviously many a tale in many an
eastern port, records;
Sultan
Sujah (now in adversitie), destitute of ships whereby to transport
himselfe, his case being most desperate, not knowing which way lyeth his
Safety, be sendeth to the Kinge of Arackan, (a neighbouringe Kingdom)
craveing his Assistance and Entertainment there, which was readily
granted, and not more readily then accepted. The Arackan
Kinge sends a parcell of Gylvars vizt, gallys, well fitted and manned
with Arackaners and Frangues, who came through the rivers to Dacca. ..13
Gautier
Schouten (or more correctly Wouter Schouten) in the course of his duty
as a Dutch East India Company medical officer, visited Goa, Malabar and Coromandel coasts, Bengal delta, Arakan, Malacca, Java. Sumatra, Celebes, Moluccas etc.,
Schouten's
observations as recorded in his itinerary fill out gaps in our
information—though not as fully as we would desire. The testimony of the
official records of the Mrauk-U factory of the Dutch East India
Company, however, authenticates and elaborates the sketchy and, at
times, confusing account in Schouten's work.
Schouten's
conflicting account states, after a reference to a circumstance leading
to Shah Shuja’s advent in Arakan, that "even while the people were
still enjoying the thoughts of the pleasures they had, (of some
celebrations and festivities which had just been concluded in the royal
city of Mrauk-U), a great cloud rose in the West which alarmed them.The
whole place was soon alarmed and moving. A Prince Maure arrived, coming
from Bengal as a refugee to Arakan, and demanded asylum for himself and for all whom he had influenced......."
Here
Schouten interrupts his narrative with a long interpolation on the
history of the Wars of Succession among the sons of Emperor Shah Jahan
but thereafter resumes:
The
news of their march reached the Court; the King promptly dispatched
some men to order their arrest, to demand whence they came and the
reason they passed thus armed through his lands. Chasausa (Shah Shuja)
replied that he was the prince of Bengal, that in order to evade the
fury of the insolent conqueror he came to throw himself at the feet of
the King of Aracan, to ask his protection, praying him not to consider
what had passed between the two nations, and assuring him that be was
eager to repent having offended, and of heaving turned his men against
him, that notwithstanding the trouble which he had made for the King, he
had such high regard for his generosity that he wished only to deliver
himself into his hands, (rather than ) to fall in those of his own
brother : that he would submit and would serve the King as he wished ;
but he doubted that the Monarch would be touched by this unfortunate
sadness of the Prince and would show no sign of compassion.
Chasausa and ail his followers halted, the envoys of the King returned with the response. The
Monarch and all of his Court did not hesitate one moment to grant
protection of the fugitive Prince and his family, on condition that they
surrendered, their small weapons to which Chasausa could not make
response unless he could favour the lives of his wives and children whom
he loved, dearly. But he finally consented to be assured by them until
he could find some ships of the Maures merchants, who would promise to
take him to Persia.14
However
the overwhelming consensus of opinion is that the King of Arakan,
directly, or through his agent (governor at Chittagong), agreed to
receive and shelter Shah Shuja, his family and his followers. We may
accept this version of the events.
Shuja’s dolorous farewell to Dacca has been variously described. According to ‘Alamgirnamah, on Sunday, the 6th of Ramadan, 1070 A. H. (6th
May 1660) Shuja with his three sons Zain al-din, Buland Akhtar and Zain
al-Abedin, some nobles like Jan Beg, Sayyid 'Alam with his
faithful-to-the-last band of Barha Sayyids, Sayyid Quli Uzbek
and Mirza Beg and a body of soldiers and servants boarded ships for
Chittagong. The presence of Shuja’s wife, daughters and their attendant
women is not specifically mentioned in this account although implied.
'Amal-i-Salih
hardly adds to our information when it cursorily mentions:"When Shah
Shuja’ was informed of (Sultan Muhammad's evasion) he lost heart, and
with some of his Khans and with forty or fifty faithful servants, he
embarked in a boat and proceeded to Makkah.15
Bernier
who has been cited by San Shwe Bu as giving "the earliest independent
account, of Shah Shuja’s participation in the bloody wars of the Moghul
succession and of his subsequent fate, as well as: the fate of his-
family” mentions the unhappy Prince embarking for Chittagong with his
family consisting of his wife, his three sons,. (including Sultan
Banque) while Manucci sets out in details the harrowing
tale of the unfortunate beginning of Shuja's misadventures, commencing
ironically enough from the bank of the Buriganga, once the very heart of the Subah, he had governed for seventeen long years. Says Manucci:-
He
(Prince Shah Shuja) took ship at the city of Dacca (Dhakah), which is
on the boundary of Bengal on the bank of a very large river. But there
was much confusion and great hurry caused by the necessity under which
he lay. For Mir Jumlah did all that was possible to seize him.
In
these straits, the women, who according to custom, ought not to allow
themselves to be seen in public, so as not to seem immodest or to be
considered polluted, sat there in the view of everybody. Being a new
thing it raised great compassion in the beholders, and caused much
sorrow to the prince. In one boat were two hundred and fifty ladies, the
most lovely in his harem mingled with soldiers and
sailors. In desperation he ordered the boat to be sunk, as was done,
without reflecting on the people in it or the treasure loaded in it, or
the rich Jewels the ladies were wearing...16
Bowrey
makes bare mention of "the sultan, his wifes and children, etc."
boarding the Arakaner and Frangue (Arakanese and Portuguese) galeasses. ‘Hamilton
speaks only of ‘‘his wives and children...and about two hundred of his
retinue who were resolved to follow his fortune." Schouten, however, records that "when we were at Arakan,...the fleeing prince with all his family and about five hundred of his most faithful men and their families, entered the Realm and advanced towards Aracan.” 17
Generally
speaking, later historians have based their narratives on one or the
other of the authorities cited above. Phayre in his History of Burma,
says that on receipt of a satisfactory reply "the prince with his retinue, together with his wife, sons and three daughters proceeded from Dacca to a port on the river Megna, where they embarked in Galleys."
Dow's account is, however, very different. He says that;
"He
(Shuja) (at Dacca) had but little money, and he could have no
army...When the news of the approach of the Imperialists arrived, he
called together his few friends. He acquainted them with his resolution
of flying beyond the limits of an empire, in which he had now nothing to
expect but misfortunes; and be asked them, whether many preferred
certain misery with their former lord, to an uncertain pardon from a new
master?
To
the feeling and generous, misfortune secures friends. They all declared
their resolution to follow Suja to whatever part of the world he should
take his flight. With fifteen hundred horse,he directed his march from
Dacca toward the frontiers of Assam.18
Stewart, who follows Dow very closely, goes into even greater details. According to him:
Meer
Jumla...marched with his forces towards Dacca; and the unfortunate
Shujaa, whose treasures were now nearly exhausted, and his army reduced
to fifteen hundred horse, finding opposition vain, resolved in order to
spare the further effusion of blood, to abandon his country ;-- by
embarking on board a ship at the port of Chittagong and proceeding from
thence to the sacred shrines of Arabia, where be might spend the
remainder of his life in acts of devotion....If this measure failed him,
be still had the alternative of proceeding to Arracan, and of
soliciting the protection of the prince of that country.
Having
thus reconciled himself to his adverse fate, he placed his family and
valuables upon elephants; and attended by a small body of cavalry, and a
few of his friends, who generally refused to leave him in his distress,
he crossed the liver, Burhampooter.19
2. Dramatis Personnae
The stage thus set, now the dramatis personnae is to be introduced. Of the discomfited prince, Shah Shuja who is the hero of this tragedy, enough is known to students of history. The lesser characters, however, need some description, or, at least mention.
All
the contemporary chroniclers and most later writers who feed on them
are agreed that Shuja' was accompanied on this journey into the unknown
by his wife (by a second marriage, the first having died), his three
(some say two) daughters and three ( also two or even four according to
some ) sons in addition to a body of retainers and followers numbered
variously from three thousand to forty. Similar divergence of
information persists even over the principal characters. One, and only one, account mentions the name of the Begum as Pearee or Piara Banu 20 which is
confusing since according to some other accounts, it is sated that
Sanda Thudhamma's mad infatuation which led to a welter of blood and
arson, was for Piaree Banu herself, named by other historians
also as Gujrukh Banu, the eldest princess, wife of Prince Muhammad, son
of the Emperor Aurangzeb, to whom San Shwe Bu also gives the additional
alias of Chand Bibi. The second princess is variously named as Roushan
Ara Begum or Mah Khanam, 21 the third daughter mentioned by one or two historians was named Amena Banu 22 but called by one or two
chroniclers, as Peari Banu again. One such was San Baw U, who not only
makes the blunder but also citing Maha Razawin, the traditional palm
leaf Arakanese historical Ms, mentions in the party, a sister of Shuja' named Sabe Bee.23 It is possible that San Shwe Bu's Chand Bibi and San Baw U's Sabe Bee were one and the same person.
The
number and names of the sons of Shah Shuja' are also not distinctly
mentioned by all chroniclers and appear to be confused. 'Alamgtrnamah,
however, specifically mentions the princes Zain al-din, Buland Akhtar
and Zain al 'Abedin. Bemier, Manucci, and Bowrey mention Sultan Bang 24 (also
spelt as Bank, Banque or Bon) as Shuja's son and apparently the most
active one and suggest that it was he who established personal liaison
with King Sanda Thudhamma prior to Shah Shuja's leaving for Arakan and
also that, subsequent to Shuja's arrival, it was he again who deputized
for his father in visiting the royal court of Mrauk-U. Gerrit van
Voorburg, the Dutch chief factor at Maruk-U, in a letter to his
headquarter at Batavia mentions "Bon Sulthan” as the eldest son and also
corroborates incidentally the fact that there were three sons with
Shuja in Arakan.
The
minor characters are variously mentioned. Whatever might have been
their original number, it must have dwindled on the way from Dacca from
the originally estimated three thousand soldiers to a remnant of two
hundred and, in the last resort, the forty weary and dispirited refugees
who are said to have entered Mrauk-U. It also appears that besides a
small number of staunch and loyal-to-the-last soldiery who served as
Shuja's personal bodyguard; there was a handful of courtiers and
noblemen including some spiritual advisers and religious men the rest
were humbler followers, retainers and servants, some with their
families.
In
the beginning these loyal friends and retainers included Jan Beg,
Sayyid Alam Badah-Kash, Sayyid Quir Uzbek and Mirza Beg. Jan Beg, after
one day's travel, deserted and others also dropped off on the way -
until only Sayyid Alam Badah-Kash with his small band of Barha Sayyids
and Sayyid Quir Uzbek, numbering, in all, twelve Mughals, were left with
him to the very last.25
3. Flight to Arokan
Act
one of the drama opens with the decision of Shah Shuja' to leave Bengal
before the hastening Imperial forces under the victorious general, Mir
Jumia,could reach Jahangirnagar.The mode of the Prince's departure is
variously described. Of all the accounts, those of ‘Alamgirnamah and
Dow seem to be the most graphic and apparently reliable and yet
conflicting. All the other accounts are based on one or the other of
these, or on their off-shoots or adaptations. Muhammad Kazim Khan, chronicler of the first-named work, narrates:
…. He … left Jahangirnagar on Sunday 6th Ramadan 1070 A.H. (6th
May 1660) along with his sons..., nobles..., his army and attendants
and servants. From Jabangirnagar, he came to Dhapa, 4 kurohs from there.
He was deserted there by many of his soldiers and boatmen who returned
to Jahangirnagar. Next day Shuja'... came to Sripur... 12
kurohs from Jahangirnagar. Here he was deserted by his old comrade Jan
Beg and some other people. On the following day after starting towards
Arakan, they met on the way a number of war-boats of Arakanese and
Portuguese sent by the governor of Chittagong to assist
Shsh Shuja' and his party under the orders of the King of Arakan. On the
same day they reached Pargana Lakhi-dih (Lakhipur) and on the next
morning reached Bhalua en route to Arakan. After an abortive
attempt to take the fort of Bhalua, Sbuja’ saw the inevitability of his
proceeding to Arakan. On 12th May 1660, the unfortunate
Mughal Prince and his much decimated band of followers bade their
farewells to the land which had sustained them since their births.
Passing through difficult days and hazardous routes they reached the
"island" of Arakan which is the worst and meanest of the places in the
world and where infidels reside and where due to his misfortunes and
mischiefs he would be raised only on Doomsday.26
The
escape by ships to Chittagong is corroborated in a number of accounts.
An earlier writer, Muhammad Salih Kambu, writes in 'Amal-i-Salih that
Shuja' losing heart at his son-in-law Sultan Muhammad's evasion,"with
some of his Khans and with forty or fifty faithful servants,…embarked in
a boat and proceeded to Makka. 27
Khafi Khan says “he loaded two boats with his personal effects, vessels
of gold and silver, jewels,treasures and other appendages of
royalty...and when Shuja' saw that be had no ally or friend anywhere
left, and those whom he had deemed faithful had deserted him, he
conceived the idea of occup!ing one of the fortresses on the frontiers
of the Raja of Rakhang, and addressed the Raja on the subiect.28"
Bernier
and Manucci also agree that Shuja's party fled from Dacca on a large
number of galeasses (jalias or jylyars) manned by Franks i.e.,Portuguese
and other working Christian sailors and raiders in the service of the
King of Arakan.
The
account of Gerrit van Voorburg, as preserved in the Daghregister of
1661 states unequivocally that "Shah Shuja’ was brought from Bengal to
Dianga, a port on the river bank opposite to Chittagong, on the King of
Arakan's armada. From thence he had arrived at the capital on 26
August." 29
San
Shwe Bu's version of Arakanese history for the first part of the
episode of ShahShuja', follows that of Bernier somewhat closely. He
states that the fleeing Mughal prince with his family and
retainers were taken to Mrauk-U (not Dianga or the Naaf) on Arakanese
galleys manned by the Portuguese freebooters in Sanda Tlindhamma's
service.30
There
are other versions disconating the theory of escape by sea.For example
Schouten does not appear to support the theory that the fleeing prince
used ships;rather he suggests an overland march from Dacca since he
records:
Chasausa...annoyed
by the overflowing of the waters of the Ganges took the retreat towards
Dacca, located on the eastern frontier of Bengal.
In
this extremity they proposed to disembark at this place where he hoped
to find some ships; and to go by the Red Sea to Mecca, from there to
Persia, demanding the aid and protection of the Shah (?) But
he found no ship at Dacca. Meanwhile he had no time to lose.It was
necessary to decide immediately whether to fall into the hands of Jembla
or to join the realm of Aracan against whom the Bengalis were at war,
and to go throwing themselves at the feet of the King, imploring his
mercy and protection. Both the choices appeared to him equally
difficult....It was consequently when we were at Aracan
that the fleeing Prince with all his family and about five hundred of
his most faithful men and their families entered the Realm and advanced
toward Aracan.31
Alexander Dow's narrative runs as follows:
"With fifteen hundred horse he directed, his march from Dacca toward the frontiers of Assam. Jumla
was close at his heels; but Suja having crossed, the Baramputre, which
running: through the Kingdom of Assam, falls into Bengal, entered, the
mountains of Rangamati. Through almost, impervious woods, over abrupt
rocks, across deep valleys and heading torrents, he continued his flight
toward Aracan. Having made a circuit of near five hundred miles through
the wild mountains of Tippera, he entered Aracan with a diminishing
retinue.32
Stewart’s
account is on the same lines but even more detailed, and is probably
the version which was accepted and published by Phayre. It runs:
Having
therefore reconciled himself to his adverse fate he placed his family
and valuables upon elephants; and attended by a small body of cavalry,
and a few of his friends, who generously refused to leave him in his
distress he crossed the river Burhampooter; and, having entered the wild
mountains of Tipperah, after a long and wearisome journey he reached
Chittagong.At this place he had the mortification to learn, that there
was not a ship in the port; and that, as the monsoon was raging with
violence, no vessel could have attempted the voyage to Arabia, at that
season of the year. He had now no option left, but of proceeding to
Arracan, or falling into the hand of his pursners, of whose approach he
received too well-grounded intelligence. He therefore discharged all his
troops; and accompanied only by his family, and forty domestics or
friends, he continued his journey along the sea-shore; and at length,
crossed the river Naaf, which separates Arracan from Bengal. As he had
taken the precaution of sending forward an envoy, to explain to the Raja
his situation, and to solicit his hospitality and protection, he was
met on the frontier by an officer from that prince, with assurances of
his protection and friendship.33 Phayre partially corroborates and elaborates the last account.
Says he:
"...the prince (and party) proceeded from Dacca to a port on the river Megna 34
where they embarked in galleys (for the seaport of Makkah)” at this
point Phayre says that "As it was the season of the boisterous
south-west monsoon, the galleys could not leave the river, and fearful
of being taken prisoners, the whole party landed, on what was then the
territory of Tippera, and proceeded by land to Chittagong. From thence
they travelled through a difficult country to the Naaf river ; crossing
which, they entered Arakan and arrived at the capital about the end of
the year 1660. 35 The prince was well received. He was anxious to leave for Mecca ...36
Obviously Phayre's mention of Shuja's use, in the main, of the land-route is derived from the account recorded by Dow.
The above-cited proponents of the theory that Shah Shuja' did most of his travelling from Dacca to
Arakan by land – using horses, elephants - and even camels (!) for this
purpose are responsible for two incidental, albeit controversial,
points about this celebrated flight.
Mahbub-ul-Alam,a modern historian of Chittagong, referring to the flight of Shah Shuja' mentions, among
other interesting matters, that Shuja' discomfited in war, sent an
envoy to Sanda Thudhamma for arranging asylum in Arakan being aware of
the strong Muslim influence prevalent at Mrauk-U. He adds that the Mughal Prince asked inter alia for the assistance from the King in the way of the use of one or more of the "celebrated" Arakanese sea-going vessels 37
to carry him and his party to Makkah and, Sanda Thudbamma having
agreed, Shuh Shuja' with three thousand Mughal soldiers left Dacca and
arrived at Chittagong. On the way, Mahbub-ul-Alam relates, using
apocryphal sources and also the Rajamala, that Shuja' met the
exiled Raja of Tripura, Govinda Manikya, who welcomed him and promised
him aid.In gratitude Shuja’ gave him the gifts of a diamond ring and a
nimcha (a short sword).This writer also adds that before leaving, Shuja'
conquered Comilla and built a mosque named after him.He further
suggests that the road from Dalldkandi to Arakan via Chittagong, the
forerunner of the modern Arakan road, was built by Shuja' and his
followers:38
Yet
another modern historian of Chittagong, S.M.AIi, in recounting the sad
fate of Shah Shuja', and basing the latter portion of his finding on
Hall's interpretation of the Dirghregisler volumes for 1661-65 A.D.accepts the same version of Shuja's overland flight as Mahbub-ul-Alam and his stay at Comilla to build the famous Shuja’ Masjid there,
prior to his passing through the Chittagong Hill Tracts where be met
his old friend, Govinda Manikya.The latter is said to have given him a
warm welcome and in return received the traditionallv mentioned nimcha
and diamond ring.39
However,
popular traditions, ballads, folk-tales and songs on which certain
writers tend to depend a little too much, not rarely produce too many
and quite conflicting versions, setting out grains of fact overlaid with
pounds of romance and imagination.According to the Tippera District Gazetteer,
Govinda Manikya had the mosque built in commemoration of the helpless
Mughal prince who had, in token of personal friendship in his days of
distress and deprivation, presented him with the sword and ring.40 While this is one of the possibilities, other popular versions of the origin of the mosque
run to the effect that the mosque was built by people of the locality
in commemoration of the well-loved and much lamented Prince who had been
so intimately associated with the province of Bengal and the Bengalis for nearly seventeen years. Strangely, however, Stewart whose
narrative of the woes of Shsh Shuja' is the amplest, fails to mention
either the mosque or the so-called “Shuja' Road" ascribed to the party
of the refugees from Dacca to Arakan. In his History of Bengal
there is also no reference whatsoever to such an interesting and
intriguing incident as the meeting of the two royal exiles, Shuja' and
Govinda Manikya, although he does mention the former passing through
"Rangamati..., almost impervious woods, over abrupt rocks, across deep
valleys and headings torrent." 41
A
further point to be noticed is the fact that several historians mention
that Shuja's first thought on deciding to escape from Bengal was to
proceed to Mecca from the port of Chittagong or, later, even
from Mrauk-U, whicli in those days had a harbour where ocean-going
ships plying between the Dutch East Indies, the Malaccas, Malayasia,
Tenasserim, Pegu and the Coromandel ports on the Bay of Bengal, used to
anchor for the discharge and loading of cargoes.While this
interpretation would appear to be plausible since all pious Muslims
contemplate a pilgrimage to the holy city of Makkah, at
least, once in a lifetime, and since Shuja's continuing misfortunes
would certainly have called for withdrawal from the world and falling
back on a life of rumination and meditation, yet the probability was that in the first instance, Shuja' wanted to proceed by ship to the port of Mocha (Moka) on the Red Sea on the southern coast of Arabia, and thence to Makkah
before leaving finally for Persia or Turkey where he hoped for
permanent asylum. This theory is upheld by the fact that while Makkah
unlike Mocha was removed from the sea, Mocha, in this period, was a
flourishing seaport.42 Bernier, in his narrative makes the point quite clear. He mentions that Shuja’ wanted to go to Moka first and thence to Makkah.
4. Arrival at Mrauk-U
The
second act of the drama began with the arrival of Shah Shuja' and party
at Mrauk-U and their reception which from several contemporary accounts
seems to have been ostensibly warm and cordial.
The historians of Mughal India stop with Shuja's departure from Dacca or, at best, with his arrival at Chittagong and 'Alamgirnamah
is silent from this point onward except for the following remarks:
"Passing through difficult days and hazardous routes (Shuja') reached
the island of Arakan which is the worst and meanest of the places in the
world and where infidels reside where due to his misfortunes and
mischiefs he (Shuja') would be raised only on Doomsday."
Saqi
Mustad Khan closes his brief reference to this episode by saying that
"After traversing calamitous regions, he reached the most villainous
island of Arakan where he was entrapped in the snares of that land of
infidels."
Khafi
Khsn’s conclusion is near about the same: "But he was unable to carry
his design into execution and at length in the greatest wretchedness and
distress he fell into the clutches of the treacherous infidel ruler of
that country, and according to common rumour he was killed, so that no
one ascertained what became of him."
The 'Amal-i'-Salih's account of the end of Shuja' concluded with these words:"From that time [1070] to the present year 1081 A.H., no one knows whether he is alive or dead.43
Fortunately, however, reliable evidence is available about the most critical period in Shuja's life. The Daghregister
which is chronologically the earliest authenticated record of this last
phase says : "( Shah Shuja’ had been arrested there at Dianga on 3rd
June. From thence he had arrived at the capital on 26 August. He and
his suit had been lodged in a bamboo house above the town, and no
foreigner was allowed to go near them.Trouble with the Mughal power in
India was anticipated for the armada had been posted at Dianga to
prevent an attack, and troops sent there to support it...."44
Schouten's
contribution is fuller although it conflicts with the consensus of
opinion that Shuja' had been asked to come to Arakan by Sanda
Thudhamma."He betook him then to the city of Arakan (Mrauk-U or Mrohaung) where was the Court and he was favourably received by the King, who promised his surety..."45
Says
Bernier among whose sources was a person at the head of the Factory
which the Hollanders maintained in this region: "The king of Arakan gave
him a tolerable reception, and supplied them with every necessary of
life."46
Manucci’s
version is that "After all these afflictions and various other
encounters by this unfortunate prince in his flight they arrived in the
kingdom of Arakan where they met demonstrations of affection...Some days
after the arrival of Prince Shah Shujah in the kingdom of Arakan, where
they had been conducted with much honour, in conformity with the
customs of those kings, to a palace outside the city, he was invited by
the king to sit with him." Manucci's story continues that
Shuja' diplomatically refused the invitation sending his son"Sultan
Bang" who was nauseated by the dish of raw buffalo blood mentioned as an
Arakanese delicacy.47
Bowrey
in mentioning the welcome Shuja' received on his arrival from
Chittagong suggests that it was "Shuja's store of treasure, vizi., gold
and silver rupees, vast riches in jewels, namely diamonds, rubies, and
pearls, which caused a kinder reception than he expected,and which soon
after (brought about) his desiruction."48
Hamilton,
a sea captain who bad been sailing in the Far Eastern waters for over
ten years between 1669-79, in the record of his travels, narrates :
It
was into this country [Arakan] that the unfortunate Sultan Shujah came
as suppliant for protection when Emirjemal chased him out of Bengal. He
carried his wives and children with him, and about two hundred of his
retinue, who were resolved to follow his fortune, and he carried six or
eight camels load of gold and jewels which proved his ruin. ..When
Sultan Shujah first visited the king of Aralcan, he made him presents
suitable to the quality of the donor and receiver the Arackanese
promising him all the civilities due to so great a prince, with a safe
asylum for himself and family.49
Dow
and Stewart (and after them, Spearman and Phayre also) hold that the
party of refugees were well received on their entering Arakan, they were
met by a cavalcade some distance from the capital and escorted to their
living quarters assigned to them viz. at what has been called by San
Baw U "at a beautiful and romantic spot on the right bank of the river,
Einda-nadi or (lnza Nadi or Wathi Creek) at the base of Bahbudaung
Hill." Stewart's description is more detailed; "The spot
on which was situated the temporary house fitted up for Shujaa, was a
narrow bank, with the river in the front and stupendous cliffs behind:
the only approach was, therefore by one or other fiand..." Anyway,
according to Stewart, after Shuja’s arrival at his new quarters "There (
at the house ) the assurances of the Raja were again repeated ; and, as
a proof of his hospitality, a large supply of provisions, fruit etc.
were presented, as a welcome offering."50
It
is unfortunate that another potentially rich source of information, the
poet Alaol, although first-hand spectators of the momentous affairs
from very close range is understandably silent. His rice and curry and
even his very life depended on the whims of the capricious autocrat of
Mrauk-U. In fact, as we shall see later, he himself became
an innocent victim in the aftermath of the Muslim revolt which was
shortly afterwards inspired and led by Shah Shuja'.51
The
Arakanese accounts of the reception of Shah Shuja are, however, most
interesting. The relevant portion of U Nga me's Maha Razawin (or the
Great Chronicle of Kings) on palm leaf runs as follows:
The
Myinmo Mountain 84000 yojanas above the ground-level and 84000 below
has on its summit the great celestial city by the name of Sudarsana
wherein Magha the King of gods with his Queen Sujata rules. King Sanda
Thudhamma reigns in the royal Capital of equal splendour, so majestic
and dazzling to behold that Kings from all parts of this continent are
bewitched by its sight. Prince Thet Thuza (Shah Shuja’)
fighting for the throne of his royal father, but losing in the attempt
came [to Arakan] for royal protection under King Sanda Thudhamma.
Offeriag the hand of his beloved, daughter,a princess of foremost
beauty, to be the King's consort. "0 royal lady, which
powerful angel has so fashioned your royal lady, which, powerful angel
has so fashioned, your destiny and due to the result of what great
merit, that you possess such feminine charms?”
In
the "Middle Country” [India.] the great King [father of Shah Shuja']
ruled for a long period, and when he grew old and feeble, his sons
fought for his throne. The 'country' was thrown into disorder and Thet
Thuza losing all chances of victory sought protection under King Sanda
Thudhamma with all his family, retinue and troops including horses and
elephants of war.
When
Thet Thuza got under the protective wing of Sanda Thudhamma of glorious
power, the great king, being a monarch over a hundred lesser Kings, and
an observer of 10 Kingly virtues, ever pious and compassionate, would
not treat Thet Thuza as a potential enemy to be done to death, but
gladly offered, him the orotection that he was sorely in need of. The great King was in truth aspiring to be the Buddha hereafter.52
San Shwe Bu reproduces the report of Arakanese historians thus:
Sometime
in the month of September 1660, Shah Shuja, together with his family
and retainers were conveyed to the Arakanese capital Mrauk-U (present
Myohanng) in galleys manned by the Portuguese who were then subjects of
the king of Arakan, Sanda Thudhamma-raza of revered memory. The refugees
were well received and the prince and his family were treated with all
the honours due to the princes of the royal blood. Shuja then explained
his plight and asked, for assistance. To this the king readily agreed,
for he sent to Bengal a large army with the greater portion of his
fleet…53
5. Seeds of Discord
The
warmth of the reception cooled off soon, in fact much too soon, for
various insidious influences were at work upon the complex character of
Sanda Thudhamma.
Khan
Khanan Mir Jumla, having failed to seize Shuja' and his party before
they crossed the easternmost frontier of Bengal was now desired by his
imperial master Aurangzib to secure them and bring them back to Bengal.
According
to Bernier, "Emir-Jemla had offered the King in the name of Aurang
Zebe, large sums of money, and other considerable advantages, on
condition of his delivering up the Prince..." Mir Jumla's
intervention is also mentioned by Hamilton as follows: "When Emirjemal
knew where Sultan Shujah had taken sanctuary, he sent a letter to the
king of Arackan, wherein he demanded the poor distrest prince to be
delivered to him; otherwise he threatened to bring his army into his
country to take him by force." 54
Dow is more vivid in his account:
"Jumla lost sight of the fugitive when he entered the mountains beyond the Bramputre... But
Shuja though beyond the reach of Jumla's arms, was not beyond his
policy.The place of his retreat was known; and threatening letters from
the visier,whose fame bad passed the mountains of Aracan, raised terrors in the mind of the Raja.He thought himself unsafe in his natural fastness, and a sudden coolness to Shuja appeared in his behaviour."55
Stewart's summing up of the situation was similar:
"For
some time the conduct of the Raja was unexceptionable, but, whether
alarmed by threats, or won by the bribes of the Governor of Bengal, his
behaviour suddenly changed; he became cold and reserved; and his servants no longer attended to the rights of hospitality." 56
Phayre
says that while Shuja' was keen on leaving Aracan for Makkah, Mir
Jumla's emissaries had arrived at Mrauk-U requesting the surrender of
Shah Shuja' with his family in exchange for large sums. 57
Details
of Mir Jumla's activities in this regard are learnt from the
Daghregister for 1660 which preserves a letter from the Director and
Council of the Dutch factory at Surat stating that "the new Mughal
Emperor ‘Orancha’ (Aurangzib) is securely established on the throne and
has sought Dutch help in capturing Prince ‘Chasousa’ (Shah Shuja), who
was fled from Bengal to Arakan."
In a further letter dated 29th
November 1660 from the Hughli Dutch factory stating that "the new nabob
appointed in Shah Shuja's place (Mir Jumla) had held up all the Dutch
ships there on 5 September and demanded their assistance in getting
possession of the refugee prince. And the Director had been compelled to
send a letter to Arakan, on the nabob's behalf, requesting the King to
hand over Shah Shuja.The King, however, replied to this request by
sending an envoy to Dacca with an arrogantly worded letter demanding of
the nabob the cession of certain territories, which he asserted he had
held when Shah Shuja was nabob. Evidently the nabob hoped to gain his
end by peaceable ineasiires." In reply the nawab was diplomatic "for he
dismissed the Arakanese envoy handsomely with a present of one hundred
rupees.
Then
he (the Nawab) applied once more to the unwilling Dutch factors for the
loan of a vessel to convey a further message to the King of Arakan who
reported to Batavia that afier delaying matters as long as possible,
they had been forced to give way." 58
Hall says: "But
this promise (to Shuja' to furnish ships sailing for Makkah) remained
unfulfilled and the fugitive prince found his position intolerable.
Repeated demands for his surreader came from Mir Jumla, and Sanda
Thudhamma, expecting trouble, posted his fleet off Dianga and sent up
reinforcements. A state of alarm developed and a rumour spread that Mir
Jumla had taken Dianga..." 59
Schouten's account describes in details a clash between the forces of Mir Jumla and the Mrauk-U forces. It runs:
At
this same time it happened that the famous General Emir Jembla, named
Nawab after having reduced the affairs of Chasausa, had plans to follow
the Prince as far as be could and he sent ahead with a numerous army as
far as the village of Dianga on the border of the realm of Arakan, with
plans to enter with fire and sword. The news had alarmed the entire
countryside, especially in the area near the war-boats. One saw
everywhere people who were fleeing with their families and their efforts
in order to save themselves in the capital city...
In
order to quickly arrange the defence, the King despatched his
emissaries in all directions to direct all the subjects who would be
better able to carry weapons, and in this way he quickly assembled, a
strong army.One sees also a large number of galleasses equipped for
battle, called into service, manned by a large number of boatmen and
mounted with cannon made of small precious pieces of gun-metal, and sent
on towards Dianga.60
The Arakanese defence measures according to the Dutch surgeon were adequate. These were the redoubling of frontier guards, strong defence of fortified points, stationing of war-boats "as sentinels on all the internal routes like canals as also external routes along on the sea coast," and strong surveillance was kept on Muslims of Aracan while stranger Muslims without passports were not to be allowed (ingress and) egress from the country particularly by sea-going vessels to forrign seaports like Batavia. And His Arakanese Majesty broadcast orders,"to find the Prince of Bengal and bring him there (a prisoner)."
In
the face of all these, Khan-i-Khanan could only huff and puff since his
forces had been by-passed by Arakanese troops and marines in the
difficult and, to him, unknown country.He demurred sometimes at the
length of the Aracan borders which, he hurried through by cutting across rivers and canals when it was not easy to penetrate them, only committing other hostile acts like military activities, some pillaging and arson...Ultiniately the anticipated invasion fizzled out." 61
The
crisis which, ultimately precipitated the pouring out of the blue blood
of Mughal royalty on the arid rocks of Mrauk-U was the Arakanese King's
mad and tempestuous passion, the passion of a spoilt, wilful child, for one of the Mughal princesses whom he wanted to wed and carry off into his seraglio.
Once
again the Daghregister is our earliest authentic source of information
on this sorry episode leading to the sombre finale of the tragdy.
Schouten’s
narrative, difficult as it is ia the seventeenth century French text
and somewhat obscure in translation, seems to hint at many places that
the raids and alarms of Mir Jumla, and the frequent disappearances of
Shuja' and bands of his followers into the countryside were part of an arranged plan by which, the kingdom of Arakan might be beset and annexed. Although, in the light of subsequent developments, historical information which has become available now, tells us that this suspicion was utterly baseless yet, suspicion continued to cloud Sanda Thudhamma's mind hereafter. Because
of his greed for gold, his fear and suspicion and, later, lust for one
of the Mughal Princesses, the King of Arakan appears to have harboured
in his heart deeply hostile feelings againts Shuja', his followers and
even Muslims in general. Schouten remarks:
"...The
natural aversion which, he (the King) had for the Bengalis, which a,
beam of generosity had suspended for a moment, returned in force...." 62
San Shwe Bu mentions, at least, the alarms.He says:
"To
this (Shuja's request for assistance) he readily agreed for he sent to
Bengal a large army with the greater portion of his fleet...
In
Bengal the Arakanese army, surprised in a night attack, was completely
defeated by the force under Mir Jumla.The Arakanese general and hundreds
of soldiers were killed.The rest returned to relate their sad tale." 63
San Baw U's extract from Maha Razawin gives graphic details:
"Sanda-Thudamma
agreed to terms (Shuja promised to return the twelve states of Bengal
that formerly belonged to the fore-fathers of King Sanda Thudamma 64 and recognize his suzerainty) and ordered a fleet of over one thousand war-boat (graubs or Krwet-hles) 65 to be fitted out, over which letwe-Win-Mhoo was appointed
admiral-in-chief. The expedition started and when it reached the place
where there were whirlpools the Moghuls surprised them by delivering a
night attack. In the fight that ensued Letwe-Win-Mhoo, the
admiral-in-chief, lost his life. Being greatly handicapped, the
Arakanese fleet "retired and returned home without its object being
fulfilled."66
The
threats or importunities of Mir Jumla were, however, not the only
factors which induced the Arakanese King not only to cool off in his
relations with the exiled Muehal Prince but actually turn hostile. His
kingdom, extensive on paper, was at best loosely organized and
controlled and was preponderantly dependent for its fmancial resources
upon the shares of the booty (plundered treasure, merchandise and slaves
pirated) from ships in the coastal waters of the Bay of Bengal and the
towns and villages on the coastal strips.
To an impecunious autocrat of this type, whatever Arakinese chroniclers may say about his lofty ambition of
becoming a Buddha in the hereafter by keeping Shuja’ and his family
"who had taken refuge in this country (Arakan) and were kept under the
king's protection and hospitality in contemplation of fulfilling the ten
paramitas" 67 Shuja’s
visit came as an unexpected but supremely welcome windfall and the King
easily brushed off religious and moral scruples for the final act of
the tragedy.
Almost all accounts of Shah Shuja’s last journey mention the rich treasure carried by him and his party to Mrauk-U. While 'Alamgirnamah
does not specifically mention the treasure carried along by Shuja's
party, it is obvious that a large body of this nature, without any other
resources for the journey or, the years to come, could not have but
provided amply in the shape of bullion, precious stones, and gold and
silver coins. Khafi Khan records that boat-load of "his personal
effects, vessels of gold and silver, jewels, treasure, and other
appendages of royalty were taken away."
Bernier
say of Sultan Shuja' that "...he yet wanted not roupies of gold and
silver or gems. He had indeed too great a plenty of them; his great
wealth being probably the cause of, or at least, very much contributing
to, his ruin......" 68
Manucci
also makes indirect references to Shuja''s treasure, one boat carrying a
good part of which was sunk at his order on a very large river on the
boundary of Bengal at the time of embarkation and, later, another
boat-load containing the "most exquisite of his treasures'' going
aground on the shore of Arakan and becoming a total loss due to the
deliberate villainy of old Manoel Coelho, one of Sanda Tbudbaroma's
notorious Portuguese sea-dogs, whose ship was one of those deputed to
bring the party of royal exiles to Mrauk-U.
The
episode of Manoel Coelho is confirmed by Gerrit van Voorburg who says :
"The Portuguese who formed a large element of the Arakanese fleet, were
reported to have 'pinched' not less than 23 tons of treasure from Shah
Shuja on the way over from Bengal." Even after this grievous loss, says
Manucci, "The Magh was delighted at the coming of Sultan Bang, expecting
he would offer him many jewels, stones of price, and cost pieces of
cloth." Dow agrees that "the wealth of his ( Sanda Thudhamma's) unfortunare guest became also an object for his avarice.” 69
Bowrey's
reference to the wealth brought into Arakan by this band of refugees
has already been noticed as also Hamilton's. Both of them suggest, as
also do Bernier and Dow, that this vast treasure was probably the cause
of Shuja's ruination.70
Once
the veneer of hospitality on one hand, and meek submissiveness on the
other, had cracked and begun to peel off, thiogs became more and more
strained and minor incidents kept in occurring. One such incident which
seemed to be, and was indeed, a prelude to later and more serious events
was reported in the Daghregister and confirmed by Schouten. One of the
Mrauk-U Dutch factor's letters mention:
In
December a party of seventy or eighty Moors coming from Bengal to join
Shah Shuja. In Arakan had run amok, killed some Arakanese and nearly set
fire to the King's palace. Whereupon the King had them all killed save
three whose lives had been spared. And he was only dissuaded by his
mother and some of the grandees from visiting Shah Shuja with the same
treatment. They argued that killing princes was a dangerous sport; if
his people acquired, a taste for it they might not spare, him also. 71
Schouten
in explaining the causes of the rupture between the host and his
helpless guest says that "the King's favour lasted briefly and the
promises given were soon retracted. The natural aversion which he had
for the Bengalis, which a beam of generosity has suspended for a moment,
returned in force. The desire to profit by the treasure, of silver and
precious stones which the fugitive Prince had taken overcame him; and
finally, all those friends who had made him (Shuja) welcome turned
against him furiously." 72
Snuja'
had by this time come to lose confidence in the many and specious
promises made by Sanda Thudhamma to provide sea-going vessels to carry
him and his family to Makkah. More than eight months had passed since
his request for a ship but nothing had materialized.
He
was also sensitive enough to appreciate "the lessening confidence which
was being shown to him and by the manner in which he was observed." He,
therefore, began to deem it expedient to plan for flight if hs would
save his life, possibly by night, and ultimately find refuge in Persia.
As
a part of this plan, says Schouten, Shuja' on the ground that his
health, was deteriorating and that the air of Arakan had not been good
for him, sought and received royal permission to go into the countryside
now and then. Taking advantage of this permission many times
afterwards, he secretly sent, by diverse methods about four-fifths of
the Bengali army (remnants of the soldiers who had followed him into
Arakan) near the frontier which was nearest to the side where he
(Shuja') had his residence. Schouten's narrative continues:
Upon
arrival, they [Mughal soldiers of Shuja', lately arrived from Bengal]
carried their armour to the place where they hoped to find their Prince,
with the intent of leading him beyond the frontiers and onto the lands
of Pegu, despite the opposition which those from Arakan had formed. But
it was a desperate resolution which could have but terrible results.
From
the time they were discovered some [Arakanese soldiers] demanded where
they were going thus armed? They replied that they were subjects of
Sultan Chasausa, and that they desired freedom to pass, because it was
of great importance to the Prince, promising again that they were simply
armed and would not injure or insult any one.
All
they asked was granted, save permission to carry arms, and they were
told that if they would relinquish them they would be allowed to
pass—but not otherwise.The Bengalis who preferred to lose their lives
rather than their arms, attempted to try to force their way through.The
Aracans opposed them and attacked. The Bengalis defended themselves, and
advanced their march until they were surrounded on all sides, had lost
some of their men, they did not retreat without hope of his favour, [but
finally] set fire to the homes.
As
the wind was from the north-west, it flamed vehemently, and the
destruction by burnmg where the great drought had made the material of
which the barricades were constructed inflammable, having lighted the
fire, it was at once in ftaroes, and in a few hours all the houses which
had been below the wind—numbering more than a thousand—were consumed. A
large number of pagodas were reduced to ashes, and the flames which
shot into the air set fire...as far as the place where our vessels were
at anchor, when it became necessary to cut the cables to save them and
it was necessary to remove them promptly. But the fire was stopped
exactly in this place, that is at riverside, after having destroyed a
range of many miles of bouses.73
Reference:
- Harvey, G. E., "The Fate of Shah Shuja 1661" in the Journal of the Burma Research Society, vol. XII, Part l. April, 1922, pp. 107-115. Since its publication much fresh material has become available.
- Muhamrnad Enamul Huq and Abdul Karim, Bengali Literature in the Arakanese Court, Calcutta 1935 ); Mg San Shwe Bu., in the Report of the Superintendent, Archaeological Survey. Burma, for 1921, Rangoon. p. 37.
- Harvey, op. cit., 109.
- Mro-hanng (Burmese: Myobaung) meaning the "old city" was the Arakanese capital in days of the Mrauk- U Dynasty. I have preferred to use Mrauk-U which is another and the classical name for Mro-haung and which became the official name from 1430 A.C. onwards.
- Munshi Muhammad Kazim, Alamgtrnamah, Calcutta, Asiatic Society, 1868, p.556.
- Hall, D. G. E., using the Daghregister... for 1661 in his Studies in Dutch Relations with Arakan :III Shuja and the Dutch withdrawal in 1665 in Journal of the Burma Research Society, xxvi, 1936, 21.
- 'Alamgirnamah, 556-558.
- There is some confusion on this point. The eldest son was Zain al-din but several accounts mention Prince Bang (Bank or Banque) to have been the emissary to Sanda Thudhamma. Irvine's suggestion that Prince Buland Akhtar may have been called Bank is acceptable. The Daghregister mentions "Bon Sulthan" as the eldest son, vide Manucci 369, p. 1 :
- Bernier, Francois, Travels in the. Mogul Empire A. D. 1656-68. Rev. edition by Archibald Constable, London, 1891, 109.
- A type of small war boat propelled by oars which could move in shallow waters variously called galleys, gylyars, jalias, jaloas, ialbas etc.
- Obviously the Portuguese settled at Dianga.
- Manucci, Niecolao, Storia do Mogor, or Mogul India 1555-170B),tr. By William lrvine, London, I, 369-370.
- Bowrey, Thomas, A Geographical. Account of Countries around the Bay of Bengal, ed. by Sir Richard Temple, London, Hakluyt Society 1905, 139-41.
- Schouten, Gautier, Voiage de Gautier Schouten aux Index orientates, commence l'an 1558 &- fini I' An 1665 Traduit du Hollandais. Tome Premier ; Amsterdam 1707, 194, 249-250.
This
material has been little exploited, so Far, and is a first-hand
contemporary record of the fateful events at Mrauk-U in 1660-1661 where
Schouten was at the time.
- The History of India as told by its own Historians, ed. by Elliot & Dowson, London, vol. vii, Section Lxxix, 254, Fa. 1.
- Manocci, 370.
- Bowrey./Hamilton, Alexander, A New Account of the East Indies, Edinburgh, 1727, n, 27; Schouten, i, 229.
- Phayre, Lt General Arthur, History of Burma, London, 1883, 178; Dow, Alexander, The History of Hindoostan from the Death of Akbar to ...Aurangzebe, London, 1772, 326-27.
- Stewart, Charles, The History of Bengal, London, 1813, 276-278.
- Dow, 331; His version is accepted by Beale, Thomas William, in his The Oriental Biographical Dictionary, Calcutta,, 1881, 217.
- Mahbub-ul-Alam, (History of Chttagong-old regime), Chittagong, 1965, 165 ;Bhuiyan,, Sultan Ahmed, ( Last Act in the Drama of Shah Shuja's Life )in Bengali Academy Patrika, No. 3, Kartik-Paus. 1371, 65
- Amena’s Lament is a well-known item among Chittagooian folk-songs.
- This is the celebrated work of U Nga Me and was approved by King Sanda Thudhamma himself.
- See supra 199, fn. 2, Mahbub-ul-Alam mentions Muhammad as the first son and Zain al 'Abedin as the second; op. cit., 165. By Muhammad, he apparently suggests Muhammad Banque or Buland Akhtar but as stated previously, Zain al-din was the eldest son.
- Alamgirnamah, 557; Mathir-i-'Alamgiri, tr: Jadu Nath Sarkar, Calcutta, 1947, 18. Sarkar follows 'Alamgirnamah for the first part of the narrative.
- Alamgirnatnah, 556-62; using a somewhat liberal, if compressed, translation of the Persian version.
- See The History of India by its own Historians, VII, 254, fn. 1.
- Kafi Khan's Muntakhabul Lubab tr. in the same work. The History of India by its own Historians, VII, 254.
The
reference to the frontier fortress probably relates to the Fort of
Bhalua which was unsuceessfully attacked by Shuja' was near to the
border of Arakanese territories which then included Chittagong.
- Dianga was a port on the bank of the Karnafuli, opposite to Chittagong which was a flourishing settlement of Portuguese freebooters and raiders.
- San Shwe Bu. 38
- Schoutea, I, 229, A reference to the Realm in this extract presumably refers to the Arakanese Kingdom. In this case, it appears that Shuja' and his party entered Arakanese territory, and passing through Chittagong, advanced towards Arakan proper.
- Dow, 327.
- Stewart, 277-8.
- It is rather difficult to identify the port.
- The date is inaccurate.The Daghregister gives the date as August 1660.
- Phayre, 178-9.
- History contradicts this: While Arakanese galleys infested the shallow coastal waters and rivers of Bengal and Arakan, they appeared to have no sea-going vessels capable of even crossing the Bay of Bengal.
- Mahbub-ul-Alam, 164-165. It is interesting to conjecture as to what aid the exiled King of Tippera could proffer to another exiled prince.
- Ali, S.M. History of Chittogong, Dacca, 1964, 51.
- Webster, J.E. Tippera: (Eastern Bengal Gazetteers), Allahabad, 1910, 21.
- Supra.This Rangamati was probably in Tippera and not in the Chittagong Hill Tracts.It is identified at the present day as Uoaipur, 19 miles due east of Comilla.
- Beroier, 109 reproduced at supra p.
- 'Alamgtrnomah, 561-2 ; Ma'athir-i-'Alamgiri, ( tr. by Jadu Nath Sarkar).Calcutta,1947, 18 : For the last reference in 'Amal-i-Salih, see the History of India by its own Historians, tr. by Elliot and Dowson VII, 254, fn. 1.
- Hall, 24, quoting Gerrit van Voorburg. It is interesting to note that although, this has not been made clear by any of the historians mentioned in this paper, from the moment of their arrival at Mrauk-U, despite an initially friendly reception,Shuja' and his party were virtually under surveillance. No foreigner could visit them and the place of their residence was between a precipice and a river in a highly inaccessible position.
- Schouten, 1, 231.
- Benuer, 109.
- Mamicci, 370, 347. The so-called “palace" was only a bamboo house and not even one of the same standard as used by the Arakanese aristocracy.
- Italics roine. Bowrey, op. cit., 141.
- Hamilton, Alexander, A New Account of the East Indies, Edinbwgb,1727,II, 77. Italics mine.
- Stewart, 278, 280.
- Alaol, Sekandar Nama (Handwritten Ms, no. 532 in the Dacca University Library Mss. Collection).
- Translation by courtesy of U Ko, Lecturer in Pali, University of Mandalay (1961): San Baw U uses the same oassaue in another version,op.cit.,II.One yojana is approximately 13 miles.
- San Shwe Bu 38.He uses possibly besides U Nga Me's Maha Razawin, other Arakanese palm leaf histories which he possessed viz.. Do we Maharaiawin, Dimyawady Ayedawpon and Nga Lat Rozawin.
- Beroier, 110; Hanulton, II, 27.
- Dow, 228-9.
- Stewart, 278.
- Phayre, 178; The sum was said to be Rs.12,000.
- Hall, Studies in Dutch Relations, dp. cil., 23.
- Hall, D. G. E., A History of South East Asia, London, 1955, 339. See also Phavre, 178-9.
- Schouten, 1, 234-237
- Ibid.
- Schouten, i, 231.
- San Shwe Bu, 38.
- Vide supra,
- Galeasses.
- San Baw U, 19. Do we Maharazowin, Dinnyawaddy Ayedawpon, and the Nga Lot Razawin were all used by San Shwe Bu.
- U Nga Me’s Maha Rozawin quoted by San Baw U,op.cit. 15. It is, of singular interest to note that this work of history "was recorded...as approved by Sanda Thnriharnrna" • also, Beraier 110
- Italics mine.
- Hall, Studies in Dutch Relations with Arakan, 24 ; Manucci, 374 ;Dow, 328.
- Vide Supra,
- Hall, Studies in Dutch Relations...., 24.
- Sehouien.
- Schouten, I, 231-254.
< Prev | Next > |
---|
Credit :
No comments:
Post a Comment